Foreign direct investment (FDI) has increased rapidly, during the last century along with increasing internationalisation of the economy, as well as during the last decade.
Yet, the competitive advantages of today's businesses are increasingly said to be generated by co-operation and alliances as opposed to integration, and outsourcing or market exchanges as opposed to investment.
Summary
This essay therefore discusses whether or not the increasing direct investment will keep on growing, or if other alternatives will become more attractive. In order to provide such a discussion, a description of recent trends in flows and motives of FDI is first provided.
The changes in both directions and motives provide some indications that foreign direct investment will continue to grow, largely due to increasing cross-border mergers and acquisitions.
The text begins with briefly describing the overall increase in FDI during the last decade. It then moves on to describing primarily geographical flows in FDI, and briefly industry specific flows. Based on these facts and recent literature, motives are then described and discussed, after which future trends in flows and motives are discussed.
1 Introduction
Foreign direct investment (FDI) has increased rapidly, not only during the last century along with increasing internationalisation of the economy, but also during the last decade.
For instance, in 1998, global FDI inflows increased for the seventh consecutive year. Seemingly unaffected by the Asian financial crisis, they increased by 19% to a new record level of $400 billion, while outflows reached $424 billion. The capital base of international production in 1997, including capital for direct investment purposes drawn from sources other than trans-national corporations was estimated to have increased by $1.6 trillion in 1997. And since the early 1980s, world FDI flows, now attributable to almost 54,000 trans-national corporations, have grown faster than either world trade or world output. During 1980-97, global FDI outflows increased at an average of about 13% a year, compared with average rates of 7% both for world exports of goods and services and for world GDP (current prices) during 1980-96.
Yet, the competitive advantages of today's businesses are more often than not, said to be generated by co-operation and alliances as opposed to integration, and outsourcing or market exchanges as opposed to investment. Investment is often said to be moderate in firms with quick responsiveness, flexibility and the competitive edge to pursue rapid changes on markets. Why then, does foreign direct investment continue to increase? How can it be that FDI has continued to grow in a decade of outsourcing and disintegration? These are among the questions raised in this text.
The actual flows of capital constitute another
interesting issue to analyse. Much of the literature focuses
on the implications for the host country. This is obviously
an important part of the debate, since countries go through
lengths to create incentives for FDI, and this clearly affects
the level and directions of FDI. However, in view of the reasoning
above, and the increasing trend of strategic alliances and
outsourcing, it is also important to look at the issue from
another angle: i.e. what is in it for the investor? This discussion
has to be included, not only because of the value of comparing
it to other forms of market entry, but as a means of evaluating
whether or not countries' attempts to attract investors
are justifiable, or if the attempts are minute in the context.
This text will therefore describe and discuss
recent trends in investment flows in order to estimate whether
these are likely to continue. The paper will thus also examine
the reasons for investing and aims to provide a discussion
of the future attractiveness of FDI-methods compared to other
methods. To enable such an analysis, the discussion begins
an examination of the major changes in trends in FDI flows
during the 1990s. Then follows a discussion of recent motives
in FDI, after which a few thoughts on future FDI will be provided.
1.1 Objectives
To identify and summarise major trends
and flows in FDI during the 1990s, primarily between countries/regions,
and briefly on industry level, in order to identify any recent
major changes or trends.
Based on past and present motives for FDI, to provide
a discussion whether the current patterns and trends will
continue or if they will take new directions.
2 Geographical Trends in FDI
2.1 Inflows
Large declines in FDI, for instance to East Asia and Latin have recently been highlighted. The recession in Japan, the decline in market size (expressed in foreign currency) and reduced growth prospects has been said to lower FDI flows. It needs to be considered however, that investment in these areas is still significant, and that FDI has been much more resilient than other forms of private capital flows in response to the recent financial crisis. In addition, FDI flows were relatively stable to 4 of the 5 East Asian countries most affected by the crisis. The only exception was Indonesia, where FDI flows dropped to $1.3 billion in 1998, compared with $4.7 billion in 1997. Exchange rate depreciations, declines in asset values, a more attractive domestic policy environment, and the opportunity to profit from corporate restructuring tended to support FDI flows.
Furthermore, even if declines in FDI flows to
East Asia have been given much attention, these investments
still remain significant comparatively. The share of world
FDI inflow going to South, East and South-East Asia fluctuated
between 20% and 24% in 1994 to 1997. Compared to the whole
of Asia, which accounted for 21.7% of world FDI inflows in
1997, inflows to South, East and South-East Asia are immense,
as they amounted to 20.6%. China has emerged as the largest
regional recipient of inflows, followed by Singapore and other
economies in the region.
The rate of FDI inflows to China declined however, to 11%
in 1997 from an average of 147% between 1992 and 1993.
The slowing down of fresh inflows of FDI to
certain East Asian host economies was predicted, as countries
in the region needed to adjust to current economic difficulties,
but some experts believe inflows are likely to resume pace
once the adjustment period is over.
In relation to the above, it deserves to be mentioned that
developing countries (by definition Asia, Africa, Latin America
and the Caribbean, Developing Europe and The Pacific) received
around 37-39% yearly in 1994 to 1997 (with a drop in 1995,
to 31.9%).
When seen in perspective, the increase of flows
to developing countries becomes clear; developing countries
accounted for two-thirds of the rise in global FDI flows from
the late 1980s to the 1990s. It is in flows of inward FDI
that developing countries have made the biggest gains over
the 1990s.
Their respective value of these, as well as shares of global
inflows, increased noticeably: from $34 billion in 1990 (17%
of global inflows) to $149 billion in 1997 (37% of global
inflows).
Developed countries received around a yearly
60% of FDI inflows in the same period, with Western Europe
accounting for the biggest part (normally around half of the
total amount of investment flowing to developed countries),
and the US the second biggest (an increase from 18.6% in 1994
to 22.7% in 1997). Flows to Japan never breached the one-percent
level, the highest proportion was in 1997 when FDI inflows
reached 0.8%.
It is interesting to note that the $3 billion invested in
Japan actually was a record figure, but still low compared
to other developed economies.
Continued strong economic growth in the United States, improved
economic performance in many Western European countries, along
with the mergers and acquisitions boom, were largely responsible
for the acceleration of inflows to developed countries in
1997. The increase was almost a fifth over 1996, $233 billion.
The United States received $91 billion in inflows, which was
more than a fifth of global inflows, and they invested $115
billion abroad during 1997. Among the countries within the
EU, the United Kingdom received $37 billion in 1997, which
was just under 10%.
Central and Eastern Europe do not account for
any significant parts of FDI inflows. However, this is where
the biggest relative increase can be detected. These areas
reached 4.6% in 1997, compared to 2.4% in 1995.[15]
Largely, the explanation lies in the increasing privatisation.
This continued to be an important source of FDI in 1998, particularly
in Eastern Europe (as well as Latin America).
The economies of Central and Eastern Europe consequently broke
their stagnating FDI trend in 1997 by receiving record FDI
flows of $19 billion, 44% more than in 1996. This was the
first year the region as a whole registered a positive GDP
growth rate in recent years. The Russian federation was the
leading recipient.
2.2 Outflows
Unsurprisingly, the largest share of FDI comes
from developed countries. These have consistently contributed
with around 85% of FDI outflows during the last few years.
Of these, Western Europe accounts for the largest share with
up to half of the total flows from developed countries (the
EU typically contributed with 42-45% of developed countries'
share of FDI outflow). Outflows from the EU were $180 billion
in 1997, and new attention to European integration encouraged
by the expected arrival of the Euro in 1999 led to a surge
in the share of investment directed to member countries.
The two other members of the triad, The US and Japan, accounted
for 27% and 6.1% of world FDI outflows respectively in 1997
(which represents no major changes compared to the years leading
up to this).
Most of the substantial increase in FDI in East
Asia described in the previous section comes from the United
States. With respect to both absolute amounts and relative
global shares, US firms have invested substantial and increasing
sums throughout most of the region. At the same time, intra-regional
FDI, originating largely in Japan and the Asian NIEs, has
grown still more quickly in recent years.
Again, the increase in the numbers representing
Central and Eastern Europe show the relatively biggest changes.
These areas do still not however, contribute with more than
0.8% of world FDI outflows.
The investment flow from developing countries
was 14.4% of total FDI outflows in 1997, most of which came
from Asia (12%) or more specifically South, East and South-East
Asia (11.8%).
Again, no significant changes can be seen during the preceding
years.
Considering the amount of investment flows that
developed countries provide, it is not surprising that developed
countries share of inward and outward FDI stock, even if it
is being eroded, dominate the global picture. These account
for more than two-thirds of the world inward FDI stock and
90% of the outward stock. The erosion of developed countries'
share of inward stock is highlighted by the fact that developing
countries accounted for nearly a third of the global inward
FDI stock in 1997, increasing from one-fifth in 1990.
The following sections will briefly describe
the particular types of investments made in the main regions
discussed.
2.3 Sector and industry specific FDI
Services vs manufacturing.
Services can be said to have accounted for the creation of
the largest share of FDI of major trading nations throughout
the 1990s (i.e. this is particularly true for developed countries).
The proportion of services in FDI was between 46% and 66%
of the total stock in the early 1990s. This can be compared
to the 33-53% in the mid- 1980s. Furthermore, it has been
said that this trend is likely to continue.
Industries
In the case of services, finance is the biggest source of
FDI inflow in developed countries, and transport, storage
and communications is the biggest source in South, East and
South-East Asia.
In developed countries, chemicals and chemical
products, by far account for the biggest share of FDI inflows,
followed by machinery and equipment. Chemicals and chemical
products also account for the largest share of FDI inflows
in South, East and South-East Asia.
The investments in Central and Eastern Europe
present a difference between the leading recipient, the Russian
Federation, and the rest of the region. In the Russian Federation,
investment mainly occurred within natural resources and infrastructure
development, whereas in the other economies, most of the FDI
growth occurred in manufacturing and services.
After establishing where the investment comes
from and where it goes to, the discussion will now move on
to discussing why this is the case. More specifically, investors'
motives will be described and analysed.
3 General Motives for FDI
In general, FDI occurs when firms combine their
ownership-specific advantages with the host country's
location-specific advantages through internalisation, i.e.
through intra-firm rather than arm's-length transactions.
Three broad issues determine where companies invest: the policies
of host countries, the proactive measures countries implement
to promote investment, and the characteristics of their economies.
The relative importance of different location-specific FDI
determinants depends on the motive and type of investment,
the industry in question, and the size and the strategy of
the investor. Different motives, for example, can translate
into different location patterns depending on the investor's
strategy.
Why does the level of foreign direct investment
continue to increase? A direct investment is undoubtedly difficult
to reverse. And considering the vast literature on co-operative
solutions, such as e.g. strategic alliances and outsourcing,
as well as the increasing emphasis on flexibility in the management
of organisations of today one might be forgiven for believing
that these forms of market entries would increase more rapidly.
Well-recognised authors within the field of FDI are also beginning
to emphasise the role of flexibility in multinational enterprises.
Buckley and Casson,
for instance, say flexibility is identified as the hallmark
of recent modelling of the multinational enterprise, and that
the focus on flexibility is a response to the rationalisation
and restructuring of international business. The same authors
continue with arguing that "the new dynamic agenda",
among other things, focuses on uncertainty and market volatility,
flexibility and the value of real options, co-operation through
networks and organisational change. In addition, the desire
for flexibility discourages integration, as it is seen as
better to subcontract or to franchise sales. Similarly dis-integration
becomes encouraged.
One explanation is obviously that if flexibility
were costless, then all organisations could build in unlimited
flexibility at the outset. In practice, the greater the flexibility,
the higher the transaction costs become.
Other commonly used, and perhaps obvious explanations
for FDI include market access, the size of markets, tax evasion
and cheap inputs. However, in view of the recent trends discussed
above, it is still interesting to estimate whether FDI will
continue to increase, and if so, why.
3.1 Changing motives in FDI
Mergers and acquisitions have become an increasingly
important vehicle for FDI to developing countries. The share
of developing countries in global majority-owned, cross border
M&A sales rose to 19 percent in 1997, compared with 5
percent in 1991.
World-wide cross-border M&As, mostly in banking, insurance,
chemicals pharmaceuticals and telecommunications, were aimed
at the global restructuring or strategic positioning of firms
and experienced a surge in 1997. Valued at $236 billion, majority
owned M&As represented nearly three-fifths of global FDI
inflows in 1997, increasing from almost a half in 1996. Many
of the 1997 M&As were large and 58 of them were each worth
more than $1 billion. The United States, followed by the United
Kingdom, France and Germany, accounted for the biggest share
of the large M&As. Developed countries accounted for about
90% of the world-wide majority-owned M&A purchases. These
deals are not only a major driver of FDI inflows for developed
countries, but also highlight the current strategies of trans-national
corporations, divesting non-core activities and strengthening
competitive advantages through acquisitions in core activities.
Strategies like these have also been facilitated by liberalisation
and deregulation.
The resources sought seem to have changed towards
more intangible ones over the years. For instance, Chen and
Chen argue
that network linkages drive and facilitate FDI. They drive
FDI because investors can gain access to strategic assets
in a foreign country via network connections. They facilitate
FDI because, via network connections, investors can overcome
entry barriers to establish themselves in a foreign market,
and can reduce transaction costs when running cross-country
operations. Furthermore, network linkages may complement or
supplant the weakness of firm-specific capabilities. With
regards to the earlier discussion on the flexibility of firms,
this also has implications for firm-specific competitive advantage.
When a firm's best alternative is to invest directly,
it is imperative that flexibility is achieved in other ways
than via e.g. sub-contracting. Consequently, imaginative employees
and charismatic leaders will have to be recruited.
Strengths like these can be achieved either by moving the
intangible assets in question from existing locations or "acquiring"
them. If, for instance, a multinational enterprise is seeking
flexibility in the range of products it produces it will therefore
be encouraged to seek out locations with a versatile labour
force. In addition, flexibility is not just an aspect of corporate
strategy, but a component of location advantage too. Such
location advantage depends among other things on supplier
networks and their degree of trust, the nature of local institutions
and local culture.
The above argument of a move towards an emphasis on intangible
assets in FDI is supported by the fact that, as discussed
earlier, services account for the largest share of FDI. Examples
would include the recently growing number of merging banks.
These obviously fall into the largest FDI sector; "services",
but also into the top service industry; financial services.
The manufacturing industries described can also be said to
be relatively knowledge intensive.
To develop the reasoning on intangible assets,
it has also been argued that many times the perceived advantages
of FDI are company specific. In other words, companies seek
to acquire advantages such as reputation, skills and other
resources that there, in effect, are no markets for. M&As
thus become the only method of expansion available. Similarly,
it has been said that one major purpose of FDI is to move
the investing firm's (already existing) intangible assets,
and that many of the explanations of the 1970s and 1980s need
to be modified as firm-specific assets have become mobile
across natural boundaries.
Another example of the changing priorities is
the view on more tangible advantages such as e.g. labour costs.
The countries receiving the largest share of the surge in
FDI flows had more open policy regimes, large markets, and
relatively high incomes. No low-income country is among the
top 10 recipients (even if FDI flows account for a large share
of total capital flows to many of the low-income oil and mineral
producers).[38]
It seems that the advantage of cheap labour has dropped down
the list of reasons and motives for direct investment.
The Future of FDI and its Motives
Evidence indicates that the occurrence of cross-border
mergers and acquisitions will continue to grow, thus keeping
FDI at a high level. Dunning,[39]
for instance, highlights a new trend (when comparing FDI in
the 1990s with the 1970s) in strategic asset seeking. He argues
that there is a "growing geographical dispersion of
knowledge-based assets, and need of firms to harness such
assets from foreign locations", and that this fact "makes
a more important motive for FDI". Furthermore, there
are opportunities offered, often by particular subnational
spatial units, for exchange of localised tacit knowledge,
ideas and interactive learning. There is thus a growing importance
of intangible assets, particularly intellectual capital, and
of the need of companies to tie together and exploit these
assets from a variety of locations. The role of location-bound
assets is also changing, as investors look for complements
to their own core competencies.
Another issue suggesting continued growth in
FDI is represented by the example of the increasing investment
in East Asia. This has enabled transnational corporations
to source, not only inexpensive, but also increasingly skilled
East Asian labour. As a result, by almost any measure United States FDI in East
Asia has increased substantially in recent years. In absolute
terms, the total stock of United States FDI in the region
grew from approximately $300 million in 1950 to about $14
billion in 1980, after which it increased to an estimated
$95billion by 1995.
The increasing privatisation, which continued
to be an important source of FDI in 1998,
is likely to persist. Privatisation is also a trend that is
likely to continue, especially in Eastern Europe, where efforts
are made to harmonise with the rest of Europe. As a result
there may be further M&As in the area. Earlier research
suggests that the behaviour of MNEs is responsive to European
institutional changes.
As mentioned earlier FDI levels in Western Europe have been
high, and if Eastern Europe continues to adapt to EU policies
we might experience further upsurge in FDI in this area.
Many of the new motives for FDI represent areas
or issues that cannot be solved with less than direct investment.
Markets rarely or never exist for intangible assets, and it
is a widely known economic fact that, were imperfections on
markets prevail, internalisation will take place.
Developed countries play a large part
in the increasing world FDI flows. Recent upswings can be
seen in developing countries, however. Central and Eastern
Europe and East Asia, particularly China accounts for significant
increases. Estimates indicate that foreign direct investment
levels will continue to increase.
Services, especially financial, are
paramount in the increasing world FDI flows. In manufacturing,
chemicals and chemical products account for large shares of
flows. This is typical of the more knowledge-intensive investments
made.
Future FDI might begin to even more
move towards areas with skilled labour. Evidence from the
heavy investment in China suggests that investors do not only
want cheap labour, but skill as well. Further evidence can
be found in the type of investments made around the world.
Services account for the largest part of FDI, and often investors
are looking for intangible assets such as e.g. knowledge or
know-how. This is highlighted by the growing number of cross-border
mergers and acquisitions.
Part of the reason for the increasing
cross-border investment is mergers and acquisitions. Reasons
for M&As in turn, include: movement or harnessing of intangible
assets, incorporation of skills and competencies, strategic
positioning, risk reduction and efforts to increase profits.
Another part of the reason for the upsurge in M&As is
liberalisation and deregulation of markets. This is likely
to contribute towards a continued growth in FDI flows. Firm-specific
assets like the above, have become increasingly mobile.
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