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The Effects of Gender in Play within the Foundation Stage: A Literature Review

The Foundation curriculum and the early learning goals defined by the Quality Curriculum Authority and Department for Education and Employment (QCA/DfEE, 1999; 2000)

Set out what is expected for children aged from three years to the end of reception (at five or six years) into Primary School at Key Stage One. This review, thus, focuses upon the available literature, predominantly emerging within the last thirty years, on the ways in which gender is manifested through the play of young children in the Foundation Stage.

The review situates the impact of gender on play within the context of the wider debate on gender issues and how young children construct their gender identity. Reference will be made to the wealth of research evidence and commentary on the effects of gender upon the educational experiences of children of statutory school age. However, since, as many commentators have noted (Francis, 1998; Yelland, 2005), play is the dominant and most natural way in which young children learn, the prime focus here is upon the literature on pre-school children and play.

As Skelton and Hall (2001) and Browne (2004) point out, there is a long history of lively debate in the literature between those who conceive masculinity and femininity as culturally determined and those who regard these as rooted in sexual, biological difference.

Supporters of the biological determinants of gender difference include Paechter (1998) who argues for neurological differences in the brain between males and females and Browne (1998) who stresses the evolutionary roots of these differences. Skelton and Hall (2001), however, note the absence of any new evidence for physiological determinants of gender differences and report on the abundance of evidence for the ways in which children are socialised into male or female gender roles.

Children learn about gender-specific behaviours from adults in the family, local community, nursery and school as well as from their peers and the media. Many parents, for example, hold deep-seated and strongly maintained perceptions of gender-appropriate behaviours which, in turn, have an important impact upon the developing attitudes and experiences of their children through the socialisation process (Browne, 2004; Yelland, 2005).

It is, thus, important to remember that any observations made, and conclusions drawn, about boys and girls engaging in play and other activities need to be seen within this wider context of how children construct their social identity.

The process of socialisation into male and female sex roles has been well-documented. For example, Gregory (1969) noted that children learn gender-specific roles by being rewarded or punished according to what are seen as either appropriate or inappropriate behaviours. This was underlined by Byrne (1978) and Seidler (1989), cited by Skelton and Hall (2001), who found that girls tend to receive more approval if they are helpful, co-operative and caring and boys tend to learn that they are expected to be rough, boisterous and energetic.

More recent research reiterates these findings, for example, Reay (2001) and Chick, Heilman-Houser and Hunter (2002) report that whilst boys tend to receive positive reinforcement for rowdy and rough play, similar behaviour in girls is negatively reinforced. By the early primary school years, as Ashley (2003) and Hirst and Nutbrown (2005) record, children's play behaviours already include many gender-specific characteristics and girls and boys will often self-segregate along gender lines.

A range of government-led regulations and guidance in recent years (QCA/DfEE, 1999; 2000) has been concerned to actively raise awareness of, and address, equality of opportunity by virtue of gender, together with other issues, such as race, culture, disability in the child care and education field. Many writers argue for adult intervention in children's play in order to challenge stereotypical gender assumptions (Evans, 1998; Skelton, 2001).

Evans (1998), for example, cites research carried out in primary school classes in the early 1990s which found that girls are often given less access than boys to playground space and toys which develop large motor skills. Boys, in general, were seen to demand more attention and to be more active participants in all aspects of school life.

Evans cites Grossman (1994) who recommends that teachers reward children for engaging in non-stereotypical activities, stating that, "for example, boys should be encouraged to develop nurturing behaviours, while girls should be equally accepted and praised for engaging in traditionally masculine behaviours or activities" (Evans, 1998, p.84).

Harvey (1994) and Hyder and Kenway (1995), however, focusing specifically upon the pre-school Foundation stage, point out that such intervention is far from straightforward in terms of its ability to generate real change. Hyder and Kenway, for example, comment that "despite the best intentions of staff to create a non-sexist environment, observations showed marked differences in boys' and girls' choices of activities, content and style of play"(1995, p.5).

A contemporary observational study of pre-school children at play would clearly be of interest in terms of discovering the extent of gender-segregated play within the context of ongoing efforts to offer girls and boys different experiences within non-sexist environments.

In early childhood settings, it seems clear that areas of knowledge are not normally taught in discrete subjects but rather in terms of topics, themes or areas of experience (QCA/DfEE (2000). Blenkin and Kelly (1997) summarise this principle by noting that early years practitioners "consistently rank emotional, social and physical as well as language development as priorities" (p. 7).

It would seem, then, that this philosophy, coupled with the age (normally between 3 and 5 years) and developmental maturity of children at the Foundation Stage level of learning makes any attempt to study how expressions observed at play might connect with children's attitudes towards academic subjects somewhat prohibitive.

Researchers have highlighted the many ways in which children's play behaviours in the early years can change quite markedly through the offer of different activities. MacNaughton (1997), for example, found that girls can become more interested and involved in building block play, a traditional boys' domain, if they are given appealing tasks using these materials. Similarly, Harvey (1994) observes that if boys are offered a 'boys only' period in the home corner, often dominated by girls, they can feel more comfortable about 'playing out' a domestic scenario.

The use of books depicting a variety of lifestyles and which challenge gender stereotypes and show children and adults of both sexes doing a wide range of activities is also advocated as effective in breaking down rigid gender barriers (Hyder and Kenway (1995). In short, it has been widely believed that since children's attitudes and behaviour are acquired largely through their experiences with the adults in their world, they can just as easily change through being offered different experiences.

Other research, however, suggests that constructing gender identity is far more complex. Many theorists believe that rather than being merely passive recipients of society's messages about gender- appropriate behaviour, children are actively involved in learning to be either boys or girls (Davies, 1989; Francis, 1998; Ashley, 2003).

Advocates of the gender relational perspective argue against generalising about boys and girls as two distinct, homogeneous groups – the construction, for example, that all boys enjoy competitive games and dislike literacy activities and/or that all girls are quiet, co-operative and like playing out domestic scenes.  Instead, some researchers (Davies, 1989; Francis, 1998) believe that gender-specific behaviours, in play as in other aspects of life, tend to evolve over an extended period of time and can vary widely between girls and between boys.

Davies (1989) and Ashley (2003) pointed out, from their research, that pre-school children were eager to identify themselves with their correct gender. On starting school, children were actively engaged in confirming their identity, both through play activities and more general interactions. Similarly, Francis (1998) found that younger children were more likely to view gender stereotypically.

She argues that this was more indicative of developmental stage and the pressing need for young children to make sense of their world and the people around them. She concludes from the findings of her research studies, comprising children at different ages within a number of different educational settings, that younger children did not seem to need to affirm their gender category as they became older and more confident (Francis, 1998).

Other recent research demonstrates how the young child's acquisition of his or her gender positioning is intertwined with other important influences, such as ethnicity, religion, age, culture and social class (Epstein, 1993; Connolly, 1998; Marsh, 2000). There appears to be a dearth of research into young children's identity development within the realm of early childhood education and care.

Hirst and Nutbrown (2005) have observed that one reason for this is that conceptions of young children as citizens in their own right and young children's rights as human beings is an area which is only just beginning to gain prominence. One notable exception to this is the research conducted by Connolly (1998) into the impact of gender and race upon childhood identity formation.

In conclusion

Research and commentary has acknowledged the myriad of ways in which gender is manifested in the attitudes and behaviour of young children, particularly the discriminatory effects of gender stereotyping. Systematic research on the impact of gender upon young, pre-school, children, especially through play, however, seems somewhat limited as compared to that focusing upon school-age children.

Gender identity formation in the early years is a topic which is gathering growing interest. There appears to be a clear need, therefore, for further research to add weight to, refute or extend the findings already reported and to stimulate further thought in this field of enquiry.

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References

Ashley, M (2003) 'Primary School boys' identity formation and the male role model: an exploration of sexual identity and gender identity in the UK through attachment theory', Sex Education, Vol. 3, No. 3, November 2003, pp. 257-270

Blenkin, G.M., Kelly, A.V (1997) Principles into Practice in Early Childhood Education, Paul Chapman Publishing, London

Browne, K (1998) Divided Labours: An Evolutionary View of Women at Work, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London

Browne, N (2004) Gender Equity in the Early Years, Open University Press, Buckingham

Chick, K, Heilman-Houser, R.A., Hunter, M (2002) 'The impact of child care on gender role development and gender stereotypes', Early Childhood Education Journal, Vol. 29, No. 3, Spring 2002, pp. 149-154

Connolly, P (1998) Racism, Gender Identities and Young Children, Routledge, London

Davies, B (1989) Frogs and Snails and Feminist Tales, Allen and Unwin, London

Epstein, D (1997) 'Cultures of schooling/cultures of sexuality', International Journal of Inclusive Education, Vol. 1, pp. 37-53

Evans, K (1998) 'Combating gender disparity in education: Guidelines for early childhood educators', Early Childhood Education Journal, Vol. 26, No. 2, pp. 83-87

Francis, B (1998) Power Plays, Trentham, Stoke-on-Trent

Gregory, R (1969) A Shorter Textbook on Human Development, McGraw Hill, Maidenhead

Harvey, C (1994) 'Free play is not enough', Nursery World, 20^th October 1994, pp. 13-14

Hirst, K, Nutbrown, C (2005) Perspectives on early childhood, Trentham, Stoke-on-Trent

Kenway, P, Hyder, T (1995) Starting Points: An Equal Future, Volcut in association with Save the Children, London

MacNaughton, G (1997) 'Who's got the power? Rethinking gender equity strategies in early childhood', International Journal of Early Years Education, Vol.5, No. 1, pp. 57-66

Marsh, J (2000) '"But I want to fly too!": girls and superhero play in the infant classroom', Gender and Education, Vol. 12, No. 2, pp. 209-220

Paechter, C (1998) Educating the Other: Gender, Power and Schooling, Falmer, London

QCA/DfEE (1999) Early Learning Goals, QCA/DfEE, HMSO, London

QCA/DfEE (2000) Curriculum Guidance for the Foundation Stage, QCA/DfEE, HMSO, London

Reay, D (2001) ''Spice girls', 'Nice girls', 'girlies' and 'tomboys': gender discourses, girls' cultures and femininities in the primary classroom', Gender and Education, Vol. 13, No. 2, pp. 153-166

Skelton, C (2003) Gender stereotyping and primary schools: moving the agenda on', Education Review, Vol. 16, No. 2, pp. 75-80

Skelton, C, Hall, E (2001) The development of gender roles in young children: A Review of Policy and Literature, Equal Opportunities Commission, accessed via www.eoc.org.uk/research on 16th January 2006    

Yelland, N (2005) Critical Issues in early childhood education, Open University Press, Buckingham

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