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In recent
decades the subject of crime has become an increasingly important
theme of political, academic, and public debate. As a result
there has been a greater demand for public information regarding
the extent of the crime problem in society. One of the key
methods in which information about crime has been communicated
to the public has been through the use of criminal statistics,
which are often seen to provide the best indication of the
level and nature of crime within this country. However academics,
such as Koffman (1996) point out that these statistics are
not always representative of actual crime, 'it is widely accepted
that these official crime statistics, based on offences reported
to and recorded by the police, provide a poor reflection of
all the crimes that are actually committed each year' (Koffman,
1996: 41).
The disparity between the volume of crime which is actually
committed and that which enters into official criminal statistics
is often referred to by academics as the 'dark figure' of
crime. There are many problems associated with the use of
official criminal statistics linked to the notion of this
dark figure. This essay will explore the difficulties posed
by the 'dark figure' of crime and examine the efforts made
to unveil it. It will also evaluate as far as possible how
successful these attempts have been. 
Most criminologists agree that official crime statistics are
inaccurate and unreliable, but what are the explanations for
the gap between recorded crime and actual crime? What factors
contribute to the dark figure? There are a number of factors
that may contribute to the disproportionate amount of recorded
crime compared to actual crime and the directly related distrust
of criminal statistics. One of the key issues is rooted in
the ways in which offences that are committed are transformed
into statistics. Firstly, for a criminal offence to be reported
it must be detected and detectable. Often, some offences are
not identified or even recognised as a crime; for example,
in the case of corporate crime. Corporate crime, sometimes
referred to as white-collar crime is sometimes identified
as a victimless crime, or at least doesn't have an easily
identifiable victim, for example tax evasion or fraud, which
as a result tends not to be reported.
Also, only approximately one quarter of recorded offences
is detected by the police themselves, the remaining three
quarters of offences are reported to the police by a victim.
This heavy reliance upon others to report crime leads to more
factors that contribute to the 'dark figure' of crime. For
example, in some circumstances a victim may be reluctant to
report a crime as they believe it is a very minor offence
or too trivial a matter to justify police involvement. Alternatively
they may fear it will not be taken seriously by the police
and therefore does not validate the effort required, or possible
consequences such as further victimisation. As Muncie (2001:
195) puts forward, 'the British Crime Survey has consistently
revealed that only about 50 per cent of crime is in fact reported
to the police'.
Another key factor is the policy of the police to record reported
crimes. It is often claimed that almost half of crimes reported
to the police are not recorded. This may be due to a variety
of reasons, for example, the Home Office has a set of guidelines
and procedures that police officers adhere to that restrict
what is recorded. In addition, local police forces have their
own policy which compounds this problem. These policies are
also subject to interpretation. Further to this the police
officers themselves work to their own discretion. Also statistics
do not include offences recorded by the British Transport
Police, the Ministry of Defence Police or Customs and Excise.
It is clear that there are a number of factors that contribute
to the on-going problem of the dark figure of crime, but what
are the consequences of this?
It is important to look at what difficulties the dark figure
poses to society as a whole. Why is it so crucial that we
uncover the true extent of it? The platform upon which to
compare and analyse crime figures over periods of time has
always been official criminal statistics. Criminal statistics
are used by policy makers as a gauge of the nature and extent
of society's crime problem. Crime is a contentious topic of
particular political significance, the public view as to how
successful a government is functioning often relies on crime
and the issues it raises. 'A government which reduces crime
will expect public recognition for this achievement. Conversely
political support is likely to suffer if the level of crime
increases. The evidence upon which claims of success or accusations
of failure are based is crime statistics' (Joyce, 2001: 45).
As can be seen, the accuracy of criminal statistics and how
far they represent society is of vital importance, as they
have much influence and significance. They are used to evaluate
the success of the states criminal justice policy and response
to criminal behaviour. The mass media also bases a great deal
of its crime reporting on these figures, claiming them as
facts and communicates its view of this information to the
public. Public opinion is heavily influenced by information
articulated by the media, and the mass media will often draw
attention to particular criminal acts or behaviours that they
claim are rising and 'gripping society' through the use of
statistics. This can often lead to an increase in public fear
of crime and can significantly affect the way in which more
vulnerable members of society go about their daily lives,
particularly impacting on some groups within society. It is
therefore of fundamental importance that crime statistics
provide an accurate reflection of criminality and its effect
on society. Policy makers use these statistics to inform their
decision making in regards to crime related policy, if the
statistics are unreliable the policy can prove to be ineffectual
of even detrimental. The same could be said about academic
studies that ground their research and proposals in statistics.
In more recent years, as a direct response to the inaccuracy
of official crime statistics and the unknown extent of unrecorded
crime, many criminologists have tried to assess the size of
the dark figure. Williams (2004: 75) states that in efforts
to uncover the dark figure, researchers have used three different
methods. Firstly, some writers have simply tried to guess
the real level of criminality in Britain. Although this method
offers little reliability and estimates often differ immensely,
all are in agreement that the dark figure of criminal offences
is very high. The other two methods self-report studies and
victim surveys have been widely introduced in the last few
decades. It is important to look at them briefly in turn.
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